In India, a city’s parking stock is normally determined by its Master Plan, wherein the development control regulations collectively prescribe the permissible type and intensity of development. This is accompanied by city-specific building bylaws that are guided by the National Building Code, often without adapting to local contextual characteristics. Residential parking is predominantly provided through the parking regulations. When the supply of residential parking is insufficient, spillover occurs onto streets and marginal spaces.

To manage parking at a city scale, the respective ULBs typically focus on regulating non-residential parking. However, residential use remains the predominant land use in all cities. Thus, it becomes essential to look at the parking characteristics in the residential areas and develop parking norms for them as well. To understand the parking-related challenges in greater depth, we have collected on-ground data from Amritsar as a case city. Subsequently, using satellite imagery, literature review, and secondary data, we examine how parking-related challenges manifest in similarly sized early million-plus cities.

Current alignment of parking challenges as part of different local-level plans like CMP, CDP, and Master Plan in Amritsar

Despite multiple plans such as the CMP, Comprehensive Development Plan (CDP), Smart City Mission, and the Heritage City Development and Augmentation Yojana (HRIDAY), Amritsar continues to grapple with chronic parking challenges, especially in the dense core and high-footfall commercial areas. These plans consistently identify the shortage of off-street parking and the congestion caused by on-street parking in areas like Guru Bazar, Hall Bazar, and Katra Jaimal Singh, yet their implementation largely focuses on increasing supply by opening new parking lots or upgrading the existing ones, rather than introducing effective city-wide parking management strategies.

As a result, core problems remain unaddressed. Municipal parking remains underutilised while informal, street-side parking and encroachment persist, causing severe congestion and reducing road capacity. Even flagship initiatives, such as multi-level parking in Saragarhi and Kairon Market, offer limited relief because they do not tackle the demand-side issues or regulate illegal and preference-based parking behaviour. These piecemeal, supply-centric interventions fail to establish a coherent and enforceable parking management system that could optimise the usage and offer a balance between parking supply and demand.

Table 1. Parking interventions proposed under different plans in Amritsar

Source: Authors’ compilation.

Capturing the existing parking pattern in Amritsar

Punjab, with 200 two-wheelers per 1,000 people (compared to the national average of 150), is among the top five Indian states in terms of two-wheeler ownership (Mohan and Elango 2025). Furthermore, to quantify parking characteristics in Amritsar, we collected primary data both on weekdays and weekends and analysed it to capture variations in parking patterns across the city. We carried out surveys at ten on-street and eight off-street parking locations, as these areas are known to experience significant parking mismanagement, which we found during our reconnaissance visit. We finalised the selection of these sites in consultation with the Amritsar Municipal Corporation. Additionally, we carried out seven traffic surveys near these parking sites to assess traffic characteristics and their impact on parking.

We also conducted household and willingness-to-pay surveys to gauge public perception and readiness to pay for parking charges.

Insight from on-street parking: We found that on weekdays, over 40 per cent of on-street parking spaces were occupied at all surveyed locations, except for streets near Mata Kaulan Ji and Uppal hospitals. Across nearly all sites, peak occupancy occurred between 6 pm and 7 pm. Weekend parking occupancy was generally lower than on weekdays, with maximum weekend occupancy ranging from 50 to 92 per cent. Notably, only the areas near Vijay Nagar and Shahid Chowk exceeded 85 per cent occupancy on weekends, while other locations remained below 80 per cent.

Two-wheeler parking demand is particularly significant within the walled city, with Shahid Chowk showing the highest proportion of two-wheelers among parked vehicles, 84 per cent, compared to 42 to 50 per cent at other sites. Four-wheeler parking demand is highest near Kachehri Chowk, Uppal Hospital Road, and Novelty Chowk, all of which are key institutional and commercial areas.

The share of light commercial vehicles (LCVs) in onstreet parking increases further from the old city, but their presence is lower on weekends—we observed them at only four out of the eleven surveyed locations.

Figure 4. Composition of vehicles parked on Amritsar’s streets (weekdays)

Source: Authors’ analysis.Source: Authors’ analysis.

Figure 5. Duration of Amritsar’s on-street parking observed on weekdays

Across all surveyed locations, vehicles were predominantly parked for short durations, with over 90 per cent of vehicles staying less than one hour, both on weekdays and weekends. Lawrence Road was the only exception, where nearly 3 per cent of vehicles were parked for more than two hours, while at all other sites, long-term parking (over two hours) accounted for less than 1 per cent of vehicles. This pattern suggests that extended parking, where it does occur, may be attributed to shop owners parking near their businesses. Overall, long-term parking was absent at all locations, even during weekends, highlighting a strong trend towards short-term parking use throughout the area. The details captured on on-street parking on weekdays and weekends are placed in Annexure 3 and 4 for reference.

Figure 6. Composition of vehicles parked on Amritsar’s streets (weekend)

Source: Authors’ analysis.

Figure 7. Duration of on-street parking observed on weekend

Insight from off-street parking: Off-street parking facilities in the walled city consistently show higher occupancy rates compared to those in other parts of the city, particularly where they are located near mixeduse and commercial areas. These locations see greater utilisation than parking areas associated with public, semi-public, or residential land uses. Analysis reveals that off-street parking facilities experience occupancy rates of 50 to 70 per cent on average, with higher occupancy on weekdays than on weekends. Additionally, all locations except Baba Deep Singh parking report greater usage during morning hours than in the evening, likely influenced by the proximity of Khalsa College and a BRT bus stop.

Some facilities, such as KD Hospital and Guru Nanak Dev Bus Stand, even exceed 80 per cent occupancy on weekdays, indicating good utilisation and a pressing demand for additional parking. Interestingly, despite its central location within the walled city and close proximity to the Golden Temple, Saragarhi Car Parking records one of the lowest turnover rates and the longest average parking durations throughout the week. This suggests that visitors, particularly those staying at nearby hotels, are using IPT (Intermediate Public Transport) or making a visit on foot. A spatial representation, highlighting the parking usage, is shown in Figure 8.

Figure 8. Occupancy of Amritsar’s off-street parking locations

Source: Authors’ analysis.

Insight from residential parking: Residential remains the predominant land use type in Amritsar. To understand the current characteristics of residential parking in Amritsar, we conducted a household survey with a 1,000-sample size. The survey was conducted across the city, using a sample size that was representative of the population in each ward. The intent was to understand household vehicle ownership in Amritsar and examine whether it shows spatial variation within the city. Through the survey, we aimed to evaluate the demand for residential parking and, subsequently, the implications for building bylaws.

Car ownership has been considered the primary indicator of residential parking demand. While twowheelers also require space to park, significantly more space is required to park four-wheelers. More than onethird of the respondents own at least one car, which also implies that 67 per cent of the surveyed households are car-free. We observed that people living in apartments own more cars when compared to residents of independent houses, and there appears to be a distinctly higher tendency for households to be car-owning if residential units are larger than 1,000 sq. ft. We found that the growing household income is resulting in a rise in household car ownership, as shown in Figure 9 and detailed in Annexure 5.

We found residential parking to be predominantly free in Amritsar. The ones who incur the cost of a parking space are all apartment dwellers. Nearly one-third of the residents who park within the building paid a lump sum amount for the parking while buying/renting it, and the average price of a parking space paid by residents in the city while buying a house is around INR 200,000. However, the mentioned parking cost is bundled with the house cost, and the owners paid this amount regardless of whether they owned a vehicle. Based on the household car ownership details, we have analysed a density map indicating the spatial distribution of personal modes in Amritsar.

Figure 9. Household car ownership by different income levels

Figure 10. Spatial distribution of per capita vehicle ownership

Figure 11. Building height distribution in Amritsar

The spatial analysis also reveals that peripheral areas of the city exhibit higher levels of vehicle ownership. To further validate the concentration of vehicle ownership in multi-storey apartments, a building height map is developed using data sourced via the Google search engine. With a confidence level of 60 per cent, the spatial analysis indicates that no significant relation exists between building heights and per capita vehicular ownership. The probable reason could be that the number of multi-storey buildings (G+4) is less in Amritsar in comparison to the other similarly sized cities, complementing the CDP 2025 observation that slums hold 33 per cent of the city’s land area, covering 14 per cent of the total residential space.

Insight from the Willingness to Pay (WTP) survey conducted: We undertook the WTP survey to understand how much the people of Amritsar are willing to pay for parking. We conducted 150 WTP surveys across the city. Unlike the household survey, no secondary guidance criteria were used for the sampling of respondents for WTP surveys. Through the WTP survey, the intent was to understand the factors influencing residents’ willingness to pay for parking, the indicators that indirectly impact the choices of people to pay for parking and the range of parking charges they are willing to pay. Our analysis shows that nearly 41 per cent of respondents do not want to pay for parking, of which nearly one-third are women. Furthermore, the respondents who incur lower monthly transport expenses are willing to pay less for residential parking, as presented in Figure 12 and Annexure 6.

Our findings (Figure 13) indicate that the majority of respondents, regardless of trip purpose, preferred to pay a maximum of INR 35 per hour for using commercial parking facilities. This benchmark was derived based on the minimum land value rates and their correlation with parking charges. Interestingly, two-wheeler users were just as willing to pay this amount as car users. A likely explanation is that two-wheeler ownership per capita in Amritsar is significantly higher than that of four-wheelers (Figure 14), making two-wheeler users more accustomed to and accepting of paid parking.

Figure 12. Willingness to pay for parking across different transport expenditure groups

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Figure 13. Trip purpose vs willingness to pay upper limit

Figure 14. Willingness to pay for different vehicle types

Our analysis shows that Amritsar is likely to face a serious parking crisis after 2035, driven by rising vehicle ownership and a growing shortage of parking spaces. Taking action now with smart parking management can help the city avoid future problems of car dependency and congestion. This approach follows what successful cities like Singapore and San Francisco have done, such as implementing parking reforms that encourage public transport use, reduce traffic, and create more walkable neighbourhoods. Amritsar’s parking challenges are similar to those seen in other fast-growing Indian cities like Varanasi, Jalandhar, and Mysuru, where rapid urban growth and more private vehicles have strained public spaces and urban mobility. By adopting city-wide parking regulations and new policy solutions, Amritsar can better manage its land and traffic, while also creating a more liveable and economically vibrant city for its residents.

Parking strategies to be a stepping stone to implement any zonal regulations

Parking zonation serves as a powerful tool for cities aiming to introduce zonal regulations and promote sustainable mobility. By dividing the city into distinct parking zones based on public transport accessibility, road width, and parking infrastructure, authorities can strategically implement differentiated parking regulations, such as higher charges and stricter limits in areas where alternative mobility options are robust. In the dense, well-connected cores of Indian cities, where railway stations and bus terminals already ensure high public transport access, applying high parking fees and restricting on-street spaces can effectively deter unnecessary private vehicle trips. This not only reduces congestion but also curbs vehicular emissions in critical urban areas.

Our analysis indicates that Amritsar can be effectively divided into two distinct parking zones, with the central core zone subject to the highest parking fees and the remaining areas to the lowest. This approach leverages familiar local divisions, helping residents easily identify and comply with parking regulations. In delineating the city’s zones, we overlaid factors such as the spatial distribution of per capita vehicle ownership, parking occupancy, concentration of on-street and off-street parking places, and the location of tourist attractions. By adopting a streamlined two-zone system, the city can reduce user confusion and operational complexity while setting clear boundaries to regulate parking. The core city area (Zone-1), where stricter parking norms are to be imposed, spans 34 sq. km and accounts for approximately one-fourth of Amritsar’s total area.

Such a data-driven, spatially targeted approach is relevant as Amritsar is a National Clean Air Programme (NCAP) city, where controlling vehicular emissions is critical. By establishing these zones, the ULB can initially discourage personal vehicle use in the congested city core, nudging commuters toward public and nonmotorised transport. As local communities adapt to these zones and new mobility habits take root, the city can take the next step by converting the core zone into formal lowemission zones, introducing fuel-type restrictions. This gradual, locally anchored approach aligns air quality goals with progressive urban mobility management, paving the way for a cleaner urban environment.

Figure 20. Proposing new parking zones in Amritsar

Introducing zonal regulations should be considered the essential first step in implementing restrictive mobility policies. Establishing clearly defined zones is a prerequisite for measures such as parking controls, lowemission zones, or congestion pricing. By segmenting the city into distinct parking zones, the authority can create a structured framework that enables effective regulation and ensures gradual restriction of private vehicle use within the city. International examples such as London’s LEZ and ULEZ demonstrate how parking policy and zoning can work alongside emission standards to shape travel behaviour by layering stricter emission criteria and pricing strategies within specific geographic boundaries, these cities have successfully pushed cleaner transport options while safeguarding urban air quality. A graphical representation illustrating how parking zones can lead to city-level restrictive measures, such as LEZ and congestion pricing, by encouraging reduced car trips and promoting a behavioural shift towards public and active transport, is presented in Figure 21.

Figure 21. Parking zones lead to the introduction of restrictive policy measures

​ ​​ ​To boost the city’s transport budget through parking pricing

A city like Amritsar can strategically use parking charges to establish a dedicated fund that supplements the municipal budget by aligning parking prices with the underlying land value. While deriving the parking charges, we recommended telescopic or incremental pricing to discourage long-term on-street parking, with higher rates for prime locations and during peak demand periods, while off-street parking is priced slightly lower to optimise occupancy.

The minimum parking fee for two-wheelers has been set at INR 10 per hour, and factored across zones based on actual parking charges estimated. Similarly, the minimum parking fee for four-wheelers is considered INR 35 per hour. We use a standardised method as outlined in the literature (Litman 2025) to calculate parking revenue:

Yearly revenue = (Spaces × occupancy rate × rate per hour × average duration) x 365

Our analysis indicates that Amritsar currently generates approximately INR 10.4 crore annually, exclusively from commercial parking operations. Given the close relationship between parking demand and the city’s vehicular stock, projections suggest that annual parking revenue could increase to around INR 15 crore by 2035, provided that the city’s parking infrastructure is expected to meet the potential maximum demand.

With commercial parking expected to contribute the majority of the parking revenue, the same could be earmarked for developmental works related to the safety of pedestrians, the development of infrastructure for nonmotorised transport (NMT), and footpath improvement. The authority may also consider allocating parking revenues to bolster public bus systems, such as under the PM e-bus Sewa initiative, leveraging fee collections as a sustainable funding stream for mass transit improvements.

Figure 22. Amritsar’s potential to earn parking revenue

Empowering the city-level committee to regulate parking

Parking is fundamentally a local issue, best addressed by local administrators who possess a deep understanding of the unique dynamics and challenges within their jurisdiction. A decentralised institutional mechanism could further strengthen local governance and enhance the effectiveness of parking interventions. Establishing a zonal-level committee with a representation of local administrators will give them more responsibility to integrate parking management with their regular course of work.

Parking spaces within cities are majorly owned and administered by the ULBs, in accordance with the functions assigned to municipalities under the 74th Constitutional Amendment (12th Schedule, Entry 6), while the regulation of traffic and enforcement of traffic violations falls under the purview of the city’s traffic police, as derived from powers given under the Motor Vehicles Act, 1988 (Section 201, 206, and others) and the relevant state police acts. Given these distinct but complementary mandates, it is essential that ULBs and the traffic police work in close coordination to ensure effective parking management. Since ULBs require political approval for policy or project implementation, it would be practical for the mayor of the municipal corporation to chair the city-level parking management committee.

Establishing a two-tier structure, comprising both a governing council (for policy and authority) and an executive council (for operational oversight), can guarantee appropriate representation and accountability from all key stakeholders, including agencies that control land and those regulating transport. To institutionalise this coordination, city-specific parking policies should explicitly mandate the constitution of such committees, and these policies should be formally approved by the state government, thus empowering the committee with the necessary decision-making authority to implement parking reforms effectively. A suggestive structure of the city-level parking committee is elaborated in Figure 23.

Figure 23. Suggested institutional structure for successful implementation of parking norms